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The EU Knowledge Hub (EUKH) newsletter provides monthly updates to interested readers on various topics relating to radicalisation and extremism. The Documentation Centre on Political Islam (DPI) plays an active role in the European Commission’s platform. This year, DPI author Lucian Reinfandt provided an insight into his work and the content of his publication “Was ist populistisch am politischen Islam?”.

How does your work help to better identify radicalisation?

My research seeks to identify processes of political radicalisation which are not necessarily extremist – and therefore a threat to the state – but which can nevertheless undermine the open nature of our society. It is not, therefore, a question of criminalising such processes. Political radicalism is, of course, part and parcel of a democracy; indeed, it may even be more important to it than a bland political mainstream. But it would be a pity if such radicalisation were to exploit our open, pluralistic society in order to work towards its long-term abolition. 

Over the last few years, I have noticed a trend whereby religious language is becoming increasingly politicised. This is happening in a way that can only be described as populist. We are seeing a proliferation of contrasts between ‘us’ and ‘them’. There are claims to know quite precisely what God really wants from people, and which people are doing everything right in God’s eyes and which are not. You hear talk of the ‘clash of civilisations’, of ‘Islam’ and ‘the West’, of ‘believers’ and ‘unbelievers’. This comes from all sides, not just from Muslims, but recently – due to demographic shifts – increasingly from the Muslim side as well. I want to understand this – others can condemn it. That is why I am looking so closely. And I have noticed something else: Islamist activists in Europe display exactly the same populist tendencies as other actors on the political right, left or in the environmental movement. They are, so to speak, ‘just as good’ at it. It just hasn’t been said yet – at any rate, I haven’t found much on the subject in the research literature. This prompted me to apply the concept of populism to precisely these actors and movements within the field of Islamism – and it worked: an important new category of analysis has thus emerged. I then set out these initial impressions in an article which the Documentation Centre on Political Islam published a few weeks ago as a DPI Focus, and which I titled ‘What is populist about political Islam?’. 

What is the content of the study ‘Was ist populistisch am politischen Islam’?

Strictly speaking, the text is not a study – it is too one-dimensional in its methodology and still too thin on content for that. What I have written there is more like an ‘interjection’ in an ongoing debate. My aim is to show that the term ‘populism’ can also be applied to so-called Political Islam. I am expressly not concerned here with violent extremism or terrorism. Rather, it concerns a different, often overlooked form of political-religious mobilisation – namely, actors who use religious language and identity to gain political influence and put pressure on democratic processes.

The concept of populism is so useful because it helps us to recognise developments that are not yet extremist, but can nevertheless be problematic. Being alert to populism can strengthen the immune system of open societies: one can live with it without necessarily adopting it. Remaining vigilant against the temptations of populism means taking a closer look at political dynamics which, whilst not illegal, can disrupt the functioning of an open society in a slow and steady manner.

An important point of my study is therefore this: populism is part of a democratic system (Kolja Möller), but it can impair the functioning of that democratic system. Populists are energy vampires. They rob us of time, energy and attention – resources that we actually need to tackle real political problems. Populism exists across many political spectrums. It can be found on the right and on the left, in nationalist and environmentalist circles. We see it in large and small countries alike. It affects people in your family and in mine. In the context of Islamist movements, I believe this pattern has so far received too little attention.

A typical feature of populist rhetoric is the claim to speak for ‘the whole people’. In the context of political Islam, this often means that individual activists claim to speak for ‘Islam’ or ‘all Muslims’. One then hears statements such as: ‘We Muslims believe…’ or ‘Islam requires…’. In reality, however, these individuals are merely promoting their own political agenda – an agenda that other Muslims do not necessarily follow. It is precisely this kind of behaviour that we recognise from other populist movements: individuals declaring themselves to be the voice of an entire community.

A further problem arises from the fact that populist actors tend to ignore the great diversity within Islam. Different religious interpretations, individual forms of religious practice or even secular lifestyles are then quickly portrayed as deviations from a supposedly ‘true’ Islamic order. This creates social pressure within Muslim communities. At the same time, a kind of religious renewal is often propagated that is deliberately directed against pluralistic models of society, including within Islam itself.

Populist rhetoric also relies on oversimplifications. Complex social problems are reduced to simple moral dichotomies. Experiences of discrimination – which, unfortunately, do indeed exist – are rightly highlighted, but are then one-sidedly and selectively exaggerated in order to reinforce their own political narrative. This gives rise to a world view in which a supposedly decadent ‘West’ is pitted against a morally superior Islamic order. State institutions, the media and political elites are portrayed as fundamentally hostile towards Muslims. Symbols play a key role in this: clothing, rituals or certain rules of conduct are turned into visible signs of an exclusive identity. In this way, populist activists attempt to gain the authority to define what ‘true’ Islam is. Criticism of their political ideology, in turn, is often portrayed as an attack on the religion itself.

What particular challenges do you face in your work? 

I feel it is important to emphasise that what I say in my publication is not a criticism of Islam or of Muslims. On the contrary – the political engagement of Muslim men and women is vital to our society. Now more than ever. We are living in turbulent times, and in such times everyone must stand shoulder to shoulder. Ultimately, we all stand before God, who is the judge of us all. We have no need for populist demagogues. That is precisely why we should be vigilant when populist figures exploit and further exacerbate existing tensions. The term ‘Islamist populism’ can help us recognise such dynamics in good time.

(Note: These are extracts from an interview published in the 15th EUKH newsletter in March 2026.)

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